Saturday, November 1, 2008

'I Haven't Always Just Toed the Line'

Cape Girardeau, Missouri

Ask Sarah Palin what she has found most surprising about her campaign experience and she replies, with more than a touch of humility, "the enthusiasm." She's got a point.

Wending my way through the traffic and crowds around the Palin event in this small river city on Thursday morning, I began to wonder if the whole state hadn't shown up. Walking the cold half-hour from the nearest parking space, I passed mobs of disappointed voters who had already been turned away for lack of space. Inside the city's Show Me Center, thousands of roaring, stomping, sign-waving Palin fans were practically hanging from the rafters. It felt like, well . . . an Obama rally.

[The Weekend Interview] Terry Shoffner

And there you have the paradox of Sarah Palin. The press has brutalized the Alaska governor, playing gotcha with her record, digging through her family life. The liberal intelligentsia has declared her unfit for office, a rube, a right-wing maniac. The conservative intelligentsia has accused her of being a lightweight, of "anti-intellectualism." Polls suggest a significant number of voters believe she is not up for the job.

Yet her supporters idolize her -- all the more because of the criticism. Mrs. Palin has, for millions of Americans, become a symbol of a reformist average Jane, a working mom, ready to take on the Washington they detest. Talking to Missourians before the event, I heard little mention of flashpoint issues like her religious views, or her experience. I was instead repeatedly, and vociferously, informed that a Vice President Palin would "fix that place" and "shape up the GOP." I also heard a lot about how she would accomplish all this because she was a "real" person.

The governor is one of those politicians with the gift of connecting with her audience, a trait that surely has helped with her quick political rise. "I'm so glad you're here!" she said as I walked in to the holding room, with such warmth I wondered if she might actually mean it. As in her staged events, she comes across in person as confident.

The tasks of "fixing" Washington and "shaping up" the GOP are no small things, whether from inside the West Wing, or depending on Tuesday, from some future role as a party leader. And so, after a firm handshake and an introduction to First Dude Todd, I ask the governor if we could forgo the stump speech and talk about her contribution to this ticket, and the future of the party. Why, exactly, are Republicans as a whole struggling so badly? Are the liberal pundits right that modern conservatism has run its course?

"The planks in the Republican platform are good, they are strong. Economically speaking, Republicans support a uniquely American system that rewards hard work and empowers the entrepreneurial spirit that made this country the greatest country on earth. And on the national security front . . . it is about strength through power, it is about diplomacy across this world, allowing America to lead us toward a more peaceful world. On those planks -- economic and national security -- the Republican Party has the right agenda."

The problem, she explains, is a failure to deliver. "We must prove to the American people that we will live out the ideals and the values articulated in that platform." She says that "in too many cases" the GOP has let voters down, in particular on spending and with the abuse of earmarking. She argues the most effective way to revamp the party is from the top, by putting her ticket in the Oval Office, where it will enforce discipline. "We have a track record that proves we can reform government. And ultimately, that will reform the Republican Party."

I probe a little bit more on this word "reform" -- a favorite of Gov. Palin's, though it isn't always clear what she means. What exactly will she reform? "It's reform of the abuse of the earmark process. There's nothing wrong with governors and mayors and members asking for a share of the federal budget, in order to help a community, but it is the abuse of that process that has got to be reformed. It's reform of federal government spending; they've run up a $10 trillion debt that we're expected to hand off to our children. . . . It's about, ultimately, putting government back on the side of the people. Not to make Americans believe that they have to work for government, but that their government needs to be working for them. . . . This is their government. It's of the people, by the people, for the people."

She also explains that what distinguishes a new generation of reformers in the party -- people like her, or Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal -- is a willingness to learn from Republican failures or successes of the past, and apply them to current concerns, say health care. "We have the luxury of looking back with 20-20 hindsight." She mentions Ronald Reagan, his ability "to win the Cold War without firing a shot" and his focus on pro-growth policies, as examples of those successes. But she also notes that today's global economy and global threats have combined to demand more from leaders.

"It used to be you could choose the president based on one or two things, on strength on national security, or on a view on the economy. Today, everything is interwoven. With globalization and with how quickly the world has changed, we need a president with the experience and leadership capability and the good judgment to handle both." She flags energy, saying that today it is both an imperative for domestic economic prosperity as well as a question of national security.

The vice-presidential nominee took heat recently for talking about the values of "real America" -- a comment some took as an implication that red-state America is more patriotic than other parts of the country. I ask her if the GOP doesn't in fact have a perception problem, that it is no longer viewed as a big tent? What does it need to do to reach out and once again become competitive in places like New Jersey or Connecticut, or the suburbs?

Mrs. Palin, again, suggests that implementing reform is the best way for the party to connect with the broader electorate. This was her approach in Alaska, where she at one point boasted 90% approval ratings. "My concentration is on bettering our country. I've never been known as an obsessive partisan. In fact, I've taken on my own party. I've run against members of my own party in order to reform at a local level and a state level. And on a national level I'd do the same thing and so will John McCain. And McCain, he's got the scars to prove that independent streak, that comes from making the right decisions for the people he was serving, putting country first. So my concentration is on how do we make this country as a whole better, stronger, safer."

The governor herself has also been attempting to retool the GOP's message to broaden the party's appeal with key voting groups. In a largely unnoticed policy speech in Nevada last week, Mrs. Palin pitched to women. Flanked by feminists -- including Democrats and members of the National Organization for Women -- the governor argued that the GOP's free-market policies were particularly important to women. Women need changes in rigid 40-hour-a-week labor laws to obtain more flexible work schedules; women own millions of small businesses that would be hurt by tax hikes; women need entitlement reform to provide security for their long retirement years.

"Every woman that I know works so hard, because they have a couple of extra hurdles, obviously, that they have to jump over in order to succeed. . . . Of course we want and deserve equal pay for equal work. But we also want to be able to afford good health care for our families. John McCain's plan for the $5,000 tax credit will allow us to make our own decisions, to be able to afford health care, to erase these state lines that prohibit a competitive environment to purchase a good health-care package. . . . That's an issue that is important to women."

All of this, says Mrs. Palin, undermines suggestions by conservative critics that she represents an us-versus-them streak in the party. She bluntly suggests they are missing the point. "I think those who would criticize what I believe I represent -- and that is, everyday, hardworking American families who desire and deserve reform of government -- I think they are out of touch with what the rest of the nation is talking about today. It's a reflection of some elitism that assumes that the best and the brightest of this country are all assembled in Washington, D.C., and I beg to differ. You can walk out in the rally that we are going to attend in a minute, and you talk to anyone there, and I believe you will hear the same thing. Enough of that arrogance. Enough of that assumption that unless you are a part of that Washington elite that you aren't worthy of serving this great country."

She is equally blunt in her retort to those who say she's not up to the job. "I'll tell you, some within the party who have criticized me -- or John McCain's pick of me -- I think some of this underlying criticism is again coming from the hierarchy. It is because I haven't always just toed the line in the party. I'm not wired to do that. I want reform of our party, I want to be able to prove that our party is worthy of leading this country. And I'm not going to just go along to get along. I've never been able to do that. It bodes well for someone's character, I believe, and is a strength."

I ask if she's already discussed with Mr. McCain what her portfolio would be as vice president, and she enthusiastically ticks off her responsibilities: "Energy independence -- and that is just key to our national security and our economic prosperity. Reform of government -- put us back on the sides of the people. And helping families who have children with special needs -- ultimately, allowing every family to know that they have a friend and advocate in the White House, but specifically families who have worked so hard to make our nation a more welcoming place for children with special needs."

Related

Main Street: Palin Shows How to Transcend the Culture Wars
A society should be judged by how it treats its weakest members.
By William McGurn

Mrs. Palin doesn't mention her youngest child here, who was born earlier this year with Down syndrome -- but she doesn't need to. It's clear this is a subject on which she feels passionate. "They are special. We will elevate this whole issue, letting families know that children with autism, Down syndrome, with physical disabilities, these are special citizens of the United States of the America and they will be made to feel that way, not excluded, but included and provided equal opportunity."

As we wrap up I thank the governor and she asks a few questions about me. Then I am whisked out to the rally. Within a few minutes, the speakers start to blare Dolly Parton's "9 to 5," and Mrs. Palin steps out on to the stage. Listening to the crowd go bonkers, it's hard not to think that -- whatever happens Tuesday -- Mrs. Palin may yet have a long political future.

Ms. Strassel writes the Journal's Potomac Watch column.

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